The Legal Battle and Spiritual War against the Native People
The Monroe Doctrine
December 2, 1823
The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe's seventh
annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823:
| "...At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. |
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that
a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition
of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted
with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results
have been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events
in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and
from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested
spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most
friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on
that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters
relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport
with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously
menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With
the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately
connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and
impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially
different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds
from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense
of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure,
and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under
which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.
We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing
between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider
any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this
hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies
or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall
not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence
and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration
and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition
for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner
their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation
of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between
those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time
of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue
to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of the
competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change
on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled.
Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the
allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory
to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of
Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle,
is a question in which all independent powers whose governments differ
from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none of
them more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which
was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated
that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not
to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider
the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate
friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank,
firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every
power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents
circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible
that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion
of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can
anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would
adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that
we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If
we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new
Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that
she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States
to leave the parties to themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue
the same course...."